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I Jívaro (Jíbaros o Xébaros: termini dispregiativi che significano "barbari"; essi si autodefiniscono Shuar) sono un popolo nativo sudamericano che vive nella regione dell'Ecuador detta montaña, nelle aree confinanti con del Perù settentrionale, sui pendii delle Ande sudorientali e nel bacino dei fiumi Marañón, Santiago e alto Pastaza. I Jívaro non sono mai stati sottomessi: per secoli sono rimasti indipendenti, resistendo prima ai tentativi di conquista degli Inca e poi ai missionari spagnoli del XVI secolo.
Abili guerrieri, usavano cerbottane, archi, lance e scudi e sono famosi per l'usanza di conservare rimpicciolite le teste dei nemici trucidati in battaglia, chiamate tzantzas, affumicate con un complicato procedimento.
Attualmente sono circa 100.000 individui.
I Shuar (Jívaro) praticano una orticoltura itinerante che produce manioca, granturco, fagioli e patate dolci, integrata col prodotto della caccia e della pesca.
La comunità tipica è formata un uomo con le sue mogli e i suoi figli che vivono in una stessa casa. In alcuni casi si trovano due o più di queste comunità familiari a poche centinaia di metri di distanza l'una dall'altra. Le comunità si trasferiscono di solito ogni cinque anni per coltivare nuovi terreni più fertili.
I Shuar (Jívaro) vivono in case di legno ovali chiamate jivarias, ciascuna delle quali ospita una famiglia estesa di circa 40 persone. Le case Jivaro sono grandi approssimativamente 10 metri per 20 metri, con porte alle estremità. Sono costruite primariamente con alberi di palma.
Queste case hanno pavimenti comuni, soffitti a 4 metri e muri a 2 metri. I muri corrono lungo l'esterno della casa, proteggendo gli abitanti. Allo stesso tempo, creano uno spazio interno ombreggiato per la famiglia. Questo spazio interno è diviso in due sezioni: l'Ekent e il Tankamash. L'Ekent è definito come la zona delle donne. Qui, si trova la porta delle donne all'estremità della casa. Una volta attraversata la porta, c'è di solito un tavolo al centro per preparare i pasti. Ai lati, ci sono i letti delle donne, un'area magazzino fuori dalla portata dei bambini e i nidi delle galline.
L'unico uomo autorizzato ad entrare in questa area è il capo della famiglia. L'altra parte della casa è per gli uomini - mariti, ospiti, fratelli e figli. Questa zona, il Tankamash, contiene i letti e le stanze da bagno degli uomini, insieme con una porta di separazione. Le donne possono entrare in questa sezione solamente per servire i pasti.
La famiglie shuar abitano in ciascuna casa dai cinque ai nove anni, a seconda della legna da ardere presente nel posto, della vegetazione e della selvaggina.
Il tipo di insediamento dei diversi gruppi shuar è sempre stato quello sparso. Due, tre case plurifamiliari al massimo (più frequentemente una sola casa isolata), collocate alla distanza media di due, quattro ore di cammino, circondate da piantagioni. Le case di solito sono collocate alla sommità di piccole colline situate a poca distanza da corsi d'acqua di piccole dimensioni.
Un insieme di 7-10 case forma in genere un agglomerato dotato di una certa coesione, che è separato da molte ore di cammino da un’altra area di case disperse. In passato, e solo raramente in tempi recenti, avevano luogo temporanee concentrazioni di tutto l'agglomerato disperso in una sola o due enormi case, in occasione di gravi conflitti tra i gruppi vicini. Alla fine delle ostilità l'agglomerato sociale si disperdeva nuovamente.
In anni molto recenti, l’intervento dell'attività missionaria al nord, e la cattura di gruppi indigeni da parte dei commercianti al sud, hanno determinato la nascita di nuove forme residenziali, mai esistite nel passato: i villaggi nucleati, con consistenza media tra gli 80 e i 150 individui.
La religione shuar è animista e comprende lo sciamanesimo, la stregoneria e l'uso degli allucinogeni. Si ritiene che i Shuar credano in una divinità suprema e in un mito della creazione (che coinvolge il Sole e la Luna) e del diluvio universale, come molti popoli indigeni sudamericani.
* Colajanni A., I Jívaro dell’Amazzonia Occidentale, in: AA.VV., Uomini e Re, Laterza, 1982
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jivaroan peoples refers to groups of indigenous peoples in the headwaters of the Marañon River, and its tributaries in northern Peru and eastern Ecuador. The principal groups are:
Some have also named the following:
Moreover, Shiwiar is a blend of Quichua and Achuar and is spoken by people living along the Corrientes River, between speakers of these two, unrelated, languages.
These names identify speakers of distinct languages of the same language family.. Anthropologists have recognized these languages as distinct peoples, but have called attention to two confounding factors. The first has to do with nomenclature: Jivaroan language speakers typically identify themselves either by their language's word for person (shuar) or by the name of the river on which they live. Consequently, historical sources record either one name for all, or a plethora names of many small Jivaroan tribes, each the name of a different river.
The second reason has to do with social organization. Prior to Ecuadorian or Peruvian colonization and Christian missionization in the twentieth century, the principal unit of Jivaroan social organization was the polygynous matrilocal household or cluster of matrilocally-organized households. Notably, although Jivaroans shared the same language and culture, each household or cluster of matrilocally organized households were politically and economically autonomous. Thus, in 1938 Matthew Stirling commented that
the Jivaros scattered over this vast territory of approximately 22,000 square miles (57,000 km2) are of similar appearance physically; they speak a single language and their customs, beliefs and material culture are closely interrelated. With this, however, their unity ends. The scores of small independent groups, living for the most part on the headwaters of the tributary streams, are constantly at war, one group with another.
He also said that:
...they live in widely separated household groups with very little consciousness of any sort of political unity. Such groupings as exist are continually shifting location, separating, amalgamating, or being exterminated
In short, prior to colonization and missionization Jivaroan speakers were not organized into any stable and clearly bounded polities or ethnic groups.
In response to colonization and missionization, however, Jivaroan speakers have formed nucleated settlements that are organized into political federations: the Federación Interprovincial de Centros Shuar and the Nacionalidad Achuar de Ecuador in Ecuador, and the Organización Central de Comunidades Aguarunas del Alto Marañon and the Consejo Aguaruna y Huambisa in Peru.
The word "Jivaro" is likely a corruption of the indigenous word, Shuar. During the Spanish colonial period, "Jivaros" were viewed as the antithesis of "civilized. The word Jíbaro thus entered the Spanish language; in Ecuador it is highly pejorative and signifies "savage," outside of Ecuador, especially in Mexico and Puerto Rico, it has come to mean "rustic."
1. ^ a b c d e Matthew Stirling 1938 Historical and Ethnographic Materials of the Jivaro Indians Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 117, 2
2. ^ Rafael Karsten 1935 The Headhunters of Western Amazonas. The Life and Culture of the Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador and Peru, Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, Commentationes Humanarum Littararum VII(l). 2-3
3. ^ Matthew Stirling 1938 Hisotircal and Ethnographic Materials of the Jivaro Indians Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 117, 2
4. ^ Michael Harner 1982 Jivaro: People of the Sacred Waterfalls 40
5. ^ Gnerre, Maurizio 1973 “Sources of Spanish Jívaro,” in Romance Philology 27(2): 203-204. Berkeley: University of California Press.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shuar, in the Shuar language, means "people." The people who speak the Shuar language live in tropical rainforest between the upper mountains of the Andes, and the tropical rainforests and savannas of the Amazonian lowlands, in Ecuador extending to Peru. Shuar live in various places — thus, the muraiya (hill) shuar are people who live in the foothills of the Andes; the achu (swamp-palm) shuar (or Achuar) are people who live in the wetter lowlands east of the Andes (Ecuador and Peru).
Shuar refer to Spanish-speakers as apach, and to non-Spanish/non-Shuar speakers as inkis. Europeans and European Americans used to refer to Shuar as jívaros or jíbaros; this word probably derives from the 16th century Spanish spelling of "shuar" (see Gnerre 1973), but has taken other meanings including "savage" (and Shuar consider it an insult); outside of Ecuador, Jibaro has come to mean "rustic". The Shuar are popularly depicted in a wide variety of travelogue and adventure literature because of Western fascination with their former practice of shrinking human heads (tsantsa).
* 1 Social organization and contacts with Europeans
* 2 Tsantsa, the shrunken heads
* 3 Adulthood rituals
* 4 Illness and Shamanism
* 5 Shuar and the Ecuadorian State
* 6 See also
* 7 Endnotes
* 8 References
* 9 External links
 Social organization and contacts with Europeans
From the time of first contact with Europeans in the 16th century, to the formation of the Shuar Federation in the 1950s and 1960s, Shuar were semi-nomadic and lived in separate households dispersed in the rainforest, linked by the loosest of kin and political ties, and lacking corporate kin-groups or centralized or institutionalized political leadership. The center of Shuar life was a relatively autonomous household consisting of a man, his wives (usually two), unmarried sons, and daughters. Upon marriage sons would leave their natal household, and sons-in-law would move in (see matrilocal residence). Men hunted and wove clothes; women gardened. Both men and women were involved in feuding warfare with other groups. When Shuar first made contact with Spaniards in the 16th century, they entered into peaceful trade relations. They violently resisted taxation, however, and drove Spaniards away in 1599. Colonization and missionization in the 20th century however have led Shuar to reorganize themselves into nucleated settlements called centros. Centros initially facilitated evangelization by Catholic missionaries but also became a means to defend Shuar land claims against those of non-indigenous settlers. In 1964 representatives of Shuar centros formed a political Federation to represent their interests to the state, non-governmental organizations, and transnational corporations.
 Tsantsa, the shrunken heads
In the 19th century muraiya Shuar became famous among Europeans and Euro-Americans for their elaborate process of shrinking the heads of slain Achuar. Although non-Shuar characterized these shrunken heads (tsantsa) as trophies of warfare, Shuar insisted that they were not interested in the heads themselves and did not value them as trophies. Instead, they sought the muisak, or soul of the victim, which was contained in and by the shrunken head. Shuar men believed that control of the muisak would enable them to control their wives' and daughters' labour. Since women cultivated manioc and made chicha (manioc beer), which together provided the bulk of calories and carbohydrates in the Shuar diet, women's labor was crucial to Shuar biological and social life. In the late 19th century and early 20th century Europeans and Euro-Americans began trading manufactured goods, including shotguns, asking in return for shrunken heads. The result was an increase in local warfare, including head hunting, that has contributed to the stereotype of Shuar as violent.
 Adulthood rituals
Prior to missionization in the 1940s and 1950s Shuar culture functioned to organize and promote a warrior society. Boys of about eight years would be taken by their fathers or uncles on a three to five day journey to a nearby waterfall, during which time the boy would drink only tobacco water. At some point the child would be given maikua (Datura arborea, Solanaceae), in the hope that he would then see momentary visions, or arútam. These visions were produced by a wakaní or ancestral spirit. If the boy were brave enough he could touch the arútam, and acquire the arútam wakaní. This would make the boy very strong, and possession of several arútam wakaní would make the boy invincible. Shuar, however, believed that they could easily lose their arútam wakaní, and thus repeated this ritual several times. A Shuar warrior who had lived to kill many people was called a kakáram. Shuar believed that if a person in possession of an arútam wakaní died a peaceful death, they would give birth to a new wakaní; if someone in possession of an arútam wakaní were killed, they would give birth to a muísak.
 Illness and Shamanism
Shuar generally do not believe in natural death, although they recognize that certain epidemics such as measles and scarlet fever are diseases introduced through contact with Europeans or Euro-Americans. They fought primarily with spears and shotguns, but — like many other groups in the region — also believed that they could be killed by tsentsak, invisible darts. Any unexplained death was attributed to such tsentsak. Although tsentsak are animate, they do not act on their own. Shamans (in Shuar, "Uwishin") are people who possess and control tsentsak. To possess tsentsak they must purchase them from other shamans; Shuar believe that the most powerful shamans are Quichua-speakers, who live to the north and east. To control tsentsak Shuar must ingest natem (Banisteriopsis caapi). Many Shuar believe that illness is caused when someone hires a shaman to shoot tsentsak into the body of an enemy. This attack occurs in secret and few if any shamans admit to doing this. If someone takes ill they may go to a shaman for diagnosis and treatment.
 Shuar and the Ecuadorian State
The discovery of oil in the upper Amazon has motivated Ecuadorian and Peruvian interest in the region. In the 20th century Ecuadorian Shuar and Peruvian groups like the Achuar have had significantly different histories.
There are at least 40,000 Shuar, 5,000 Achuars and 700 Shiwiars in Ecuador.
At the end of the 19th century Catholic Jesuits re-established missions among the Shuar, and poor and landless Euro-Ecuadorians from the highlands (colonos) began to settle among Shuar. Shuar entered into peaceful trade relations, exchanged land for manufactured goods, and began sending their children to mission boarding schools to learn Spanish. In 1935 the Ecuadorian government created a Shuar reserve, in part to regulate Euro-Ecuadorian access to land, and gave Salesian (Catholic) missionaries charge over the reserve. Missionaries were largely successful in the acculturation process, teaching Shuar Spanish, converting Shuar to Christianity, encouraging the Shuar to abandon warfare and the production of shrunken heads, encouraging Shuar to abandon the puberty rites through which Shuar acquired an arútam wakaní, and encouraging Shuar to participate in the market economy. They were largely but not completely successful in encouraging Shuar to abandon polygyny for monogamy. They were relatively unsuccessful in discouraging the practice of shamanism.
By the 1950s Shuar had lost a considerable amount of land to settlers. At this time they abandoned their semi-nomadic and dispersed settlement pattern and began to form nucleated settlements of five to thirty families, called centros (Spanish for "centers"). These centros facilitated missionary access to Shuar. They also provided a basis for Shuar petitions to the Ecuadorian government for land; in return Shuar promised to clear rainforest to convert to pasture, and the government provided loans for Shuar to purchase cattle which they would raise for market.
In the 1960s Salesian missionaries encouraged leaders of the centros to meet and form a new organization. In 1964 they formed the Federacíon Interprovincial de Centros Shuar-Achuar ("Interprovincial Federation of Shuar and Achuar Centros"; many Achuar live in Ecuador, although most live in Peru). The Federation is democratic and hierarchically organized, most of its leaders are salaried by the Ecuadorian state. In 1969 the Federation signed an accord with the Ecuadorian government in which the Federation assumed administrative jurisdiction over the Shuar reserve. The Federation assumed the duties of educating children, administering civil registration and land-tenure, and promoting cattle-production and other programs meant to further incorporate Shuar into the market economy. Since that time the Federation has splintered into several groups, including a separate Achuar Federation, although the various groups maintain cordial relations.
Thanks to the work of the Federation Shuar identity is very strong; nevertheless, most Shuar also identify strongly to the Ecuadorian nation-state and have entered Ecuadorian electoral politics. Many Shuar also serve in the Ecuadorian Army, and the Army has appropriated the 19th century stereotype of Shuar as "fierce warriors", forming elite units of Shuar soldiers (although all commissioned officers are non-Shuar). These units distinguished themselves in the 1995 Cenepa War between Ecuador and Peru.
 See also
* Jivaroan peoples
1. ^ As Claude Lévi-Strauss demonstrated, most indigenous people call themselves "people" or "human", designing the "Other" as "barbarians" or simply "Others."
2. ^ Bennett Ross, Jane. 1984 "Effects of Contact on Revenge Hostilities Among the Achuara Jívaro," in Warfare Culture, and Environment, ed. R.B. Ferguson, Orlando: Academic Press.
3. ^ Steel, Daniel 1999 “Trade Goods and Jívaro Warfare: The Shuar 1850-1957, and the Achuar, 1940-1978,” in Ethnohistory 46(4): 745-776.
* Gnerre, Maurizio 1973 "Sources of Spanish Jívaro," in Romance Philology 27(2): 203-204. Berkeley: University of California Press.
* Harner, Michael J. 1984 Jivaro: People of the Sacred Waterfalls Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-05065-7
* Karsten, Rafael 1935 The head-hunters of Western Amazonas: The life and culture of the Jibaro Indians of eastern Ecuador and Peru ([Finska vetenskaps-societeten, Helsingfors] Commentationes humanarum litterarum. VII. 1 Washington D.C: Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletins. ASIN B00085ZPFM
* Mader, Elke 1999 Metamorfosis del poder: Persona, mito y visión en la sociedad Shuar y Achuar. Abya-Yala. ISBN 9978-04-477-9
* Rubenstein, Steven 2006 “Circulation, Accumulation, and the Power of Shuar Shrunken Heads” in Cultural Anthropology 22(3): 357-399.
* Rubenstein, Steven 2002 Alejandro Tsakimp: A Shuar Healer in the Margins of History Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-8988-X Google Books
* Rubenstein, Steven 2001 “Colonialism, the Shuar Federation, and the Ecuadorian State,” in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 19(3): 263-293.
* Lowell, Karen 1994 "Ethnopharmacological Studies of Medicinal Plants, particularly Cyperus species, used by the Shuar Indians" Ph.D. Thesis, University of Illinois Health Science Center, Chicago, Illinois, 420 pp.
Consigliamo inoltre di consultare l'articolo dal titolo: I Jívaro, cacciatori di visioni di Giorgio Samorini al seguente link...